Latvia Human Development Report
Chapter 4
Women In Transition
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Sections:
Women play a particularly significant role in human development because the future existence of any society depends on the position of women today. The future depends on the conditions that society provides for bearing and raising children while enabling women to be full-fledged members of society without restrictions on participation in economic, political and cultural life. Latvia is in transition: new laws are being passed, non-governmental organizations and institutions are emerging, the old social order is being restructured and a new one is being formed. That is why it is appropriate to ask about the place and role of women in this new social order.With the restoration of independence, women in Latvia have been liberated of the broader degrading label "Soviet women." However, totalitarianism has left its mark on the way of life and mentality of society. When analyzing the status of women in society, the legacy of the past must be taken into consideration. First, the distortion of social relations between women and men in Soviet society must be considered. Second, it should be noted that the ostensible emancipation of women of that era and past experience have created a negative stance towards current attempts of women to speak of equality.
Women in Soviet society enjoyed guaranteed equality in all spheres of life and state assistance in raising and caring for children. Since women in Soviet society were dependent on the state, they could be economically independent of men. By strengthening and maintaining equality between women and men over an extended period, the state deformed social relations between the sexes. The status of "the emancipated Soviet woman" would not have been possible without the support of the Soviet state. The delegation of many family functions to the state (raising children, acquiring an apartment) led many women to believe that they could rely on the state more than on their families. It is possible that this era also led some men to the conclusion that the family should be provided for mainly by women and the state. When the totalitarian state collapsed, there were no other traditions and social institutions that could regulate social relations between women and men. As in the distribution of capital, a certain "wild" period has emerged with power and force taking precedence over fairness and equality. During the transition, men have assumed positions of economic and political power in society. Although old slogans about women's equality are still voiced, the real position of women in society is becoming clear. It is marked by differentiation in the employment structure and in salaries, the impact of the economic crisis on living standards, and a low level of women's political activity.
The declared equality of women in the Soviet period and its various manifestations created the impression that women's equality was generally exaggerated and altogether unnecessary. The women's movement then was only a prop for state policy. A nominal model of women's representation, not participation, was created. Hence, during the transition, mention of women's equality is received with skepticism, as a desire to return to the past. No less important than the statistical analysis of the true status of women is explaining the "women's issue" and shedding the negative legacy of the past.
A good portion of a woman's life is occupied by bearing and raising children, caring for the home and the family. For men, raising children and caring for a family do not require leaving work. This division of labour is natural and acceptable to all. Problems arise when work performed by men is considered better and more valuable than that performed by women. Women protest against a social order in which men's criteria predominate and women's participation in policy decisions is restricted, though it is proclaimed in law and principle. The equality of women should be understood in such a way that time devoted to bearing and raising children does not later impede a woman's career and public life. Equality means than women and men enjoy equal rights, duties and opportunities to do work ensuring economic independence, to look after children and the home, and to participate in socio-political life. In this sense, "the women's issue" demands closer attention. If equal rights are "guaranteed," but everything is left to competition, women end up losing, because the laws of competition in the labour market and the struggle for power favor men. Equal rights should not only be proclaimed -- social policy must also make their realization possible.
The Constitution, the Labour Code, Civil Law and international documents ratified by Latvia stipulate the equality of sexes, though much remains to be done for true equality to emerge. Statistics on female and male representation in various spheres of life can be used as a starting point to trace the changes in social relations between women and men during the transition. To trace such changes fully, it would be necessary to have comprehensive data broken down by gender, which, unfortunately, are not available on many important issues.
Women comprise the majority of the population of Latvia. At the beginning of 1994, women accounted for 54% of the urban population, 52% of the rural population, and 53.6% of the total population. In 1993 50.8% of all newborn children were boys and 49.2% were girls. The life expectancy for women is longer than that for men: in 1993 life expectancy at birth was 73.8 years for females and 61.6 years for males. The difference in life expectancy has contributed to an increase in the share of women among the elderly (see Table 4.1).
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Table 4.1
Distribution of the Population by Sex and Age, 1994Age Total Men Women Women % Total population 2565.8 1190.7 1375.1 53.6 0-4 161.6 82.8 78.8 48.8 5-9 197.6 100.6 97.0 49.1 10-14 179.6 91.5 88.1 49.0 15-19 167.3 84.6 82.7 49.4 20-24 178.4 92.0 86.4 48.4 25-29 175.3 89.8 85.5 48.8 30-34 195.6 96.8 98.8 50.5 35-39 186.5 91.0 95.5 51.2 40-44 171.0 81.9 89.1 52.1 45-49 146.6 68.9 77.7 53.0 50-54 166.2 76.1 90.1 54.2 55-59 158.9 70.3 88.6 55.8 60-64 145.1 61.1 84.0 57.9 65-69 127.8 44.9 82.9 64.9 70-74 83.7 25.3 58.4 69.8 75-79 51.1 14.6 36.5 71.4 80-84 44.1 11.6 32.5 73.7 85-89 21.9 5.4 16.5 75.3 90-94 6.3 1.3 5.0 79.4 95 and older 1.2 0.2 1.0 83.3 According to the 1989 census, the educational attainment of women was as high as that of men and even a little higher: on average, 10.7 years for women and 10.5 for men for the age group 20-64, and 12.4 and 11.8 academic years, respectively, for the age group 25-34. In the academic year 1993-1994, 50.6% of those attending all educational institutions were female. The highest share of women -- 56.35% -- was recorded in institutions of higher education.
Employment
A high level of female employment was an acute necessity of life in the Soviet era, as it is today. It is very difficult for a single breadwinner to provide for a family in conditions of economic crisis. That is why women traditionally constitute half of all people employed in the economy (49% in 1993 and 52% in 1994). The share of women is largest in health services (83%) and education (77%). The majority of women are employed in various types of services: hotels and restaurants (76%), trade (64%), financial institutions (73%), postal and communications (65%). Out of all women employed in the economy, the majority work in industry (25%), mainly in the processing sector. 18% of all women work in education, 13% in health services and 11% in trade (see Table 4.2). Information on the structure of employment is incomplete, as some private enterprises fail to submit complete data on the number and structure of their employees in order to evade taxes.If the table below is unreadable, Click here to see preformatted version
Table 4.2
The Distribution of the Sexes in the Employment Structure,
1st Quarter 1994Sector % of all women employed % of all men employed Female share in sector Agriculture, hunting, forestry 6.8 13.2 35.9 Fishery 0.2 1.5 11.0 Industry, total 25.2 30.5 47.2 - Extractive industry 0.1 0.4 26.7 - Processing industry 23.7 26.1 49.6 - Electrical power, heating and water supply 1.4 4.0 27.2 Construction 1.6 8.2 17.4 Wholesale, retail, repair of cars and household goods 10.6 6.6 63.5 Hotels, restaurants 2.0 0.7 76.0 Transport and communications 7.6 14.8 35.7 Finance 2.0 0.8 72.8 Real estate 4.2 4.6 50.2 State administration and social security 4.5 7.0 40.6 Education 17.9 5.7 77.4 Health and social services 12.7 2.7 83.3 Other utilities, social and individual services 4.7 3.7 57.7 Total in the economy 100 100 52.0 In the first quarter of 1994, the average salary for employed men was 69.7 lats a month (117.1 USD, according to the exchange rate on December 31, 1993), while the average salary for women was 53.7 lats (90.3 USD). Thus, the average salary for women was 77% of that for men in this period. In 1992 the average salary of women was 81% of the average salary for men. The period in question is too short to talk of a stable developmental tendency; however, the direction of change is evident.
Gender differences in average salary vary in each branch of economy (see Table 4.3).
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Table 4.3
Average Monthly Salary by Sex in Various Sectors
of the Economy, 1st Quarter 1994Sector Average monthly salary (in lats) Women's salaries as % of men's salaries Total Women Men Total in the economy 61.4 53.7 69.7 77.0 Agriculture, hunting, forestry 36.6 35.1 37.5 93.7 Fishery 70.2 63.3 71.1 89.2 Industry, total 62.8 55.9 68.9 81.0 - Extractive industry 52.4 48.3 53.9 89.4 - Processing industry 60.5 54.8 66.2 82.7 - Electrical power, heating and water supply 84.6 75.6 88.0 85.9 Construction 58.0 50.7 59.6 85.2 Wholesale, retail, repair of cars and household goods 50.8 48.2 55.2 87.3 Hotels, restaurants 48.1 44.9 58.5 76.8 Transport and communications 102.6 79.2 115.6 68.5 Finance 121.7 112.0 147.7 75.9 Real estate 57.8 50.5 65.1 77.5 State administration and social security 73.4 68.9 76.5 90.2 Education 51.3 48.8 59.8 81.6 Health and social services 48.7 46.9 57.9 81.1 Other utilities, social and individual services 50.5 44.9 58.0 77.4 However, more important than differences in the average salaries of women and men in various branches of the economy is the fact that the majority of women work in lower paid professions. Almost one third of all women (30.6%) work in education and health services. In these sectors salaries are lower than in other professions. Why are jobs in these sectors so poorly remunerated? Though it is difficult to find a concrete answer, the most common explanations cite limitations in the state budget. But could it not be that the patience of women enables the government not to increase salaries in these sectors? Survey data from October 1993 show that more women (45%) than men (37%) are willing to accept a lower paid job if there is a guarantee that they will not be dismissed.
Latvia's Report to the Fourth UN World Conference on Women points out that the main reason for the feminization of poverty is the relatively low pay for work in social services. This is a legacy of the Soviet era, despite high qualifications required for such employment as well as a lower share of women in leading positions in all branches of the economy. If salaries depended on qualification and educational attainment, income differences between the genders would be equalized. Women's organizations deem it unconscionable for employers to note the gender of desired employees in job advertisements even for work that can be performed equally well by men and women.
Unemployment is equally common among working age women and men (5.8% at the beginning of 1994). In absolute terms, the share of women (53.2%) among the unemployed is greater than that among men (46.8%). Relatively fewer people with a higher education, both women and men, are registered as unemployed, while the share of the unemployed with primary and incomplete secondary education is higher than among the working-age population (see also Chapter 7. Rising Unemployment).
Women's Political Participation
Although women make up half of the population of Latvia, they are not proportionally represented in legislative and executive institutions. In the first democratic elections after the restoration of independence in 1993, women gained 15% of all seats in the parliament. Subsequently, some deputies relinquished their mandates and the next candidates on party electoral lists took their places, leading to a slight improvement in women's representation: currently 16% of all deputies are women. No women served in the first government formed after the general elections of 1993; in the second, there was one woman minister out of 13, one woman state minister out of 12, and four women state secretaries of 13. The share of women among local government deputies is larger -- 39%. The smaller the administrative structure, the more women there are among deputies and heads of local governments (see Table 4.4).If the table below is unreadable, Click here to see preformatted version
Table 4.4
Women's Participation in Government, 1994Share of women among parliamentary deputies 16.0 Number/ratio of women in executive positions: - Ministers 1 of 13 - State ministers 1 of 12 - State secretaries 4 of 13 Women's participation in the diplomatic corps: - Ambassadors 5 of 23 Share of women in local government: - Deputies % 39.1 - - in Republic level cities 24.6 - - in regional councils 18.9 - - in regional town councils 32.3 - - in small rural districts 42.9 - Heads of local governments % - - in regional councils 7.7 - - in regional town councils 17.4 - - in small rural districts 33.7 In local governments, where voter's choices are determined more by personal knowledge of the deputy and an assessment of her/his professional traits and not only by the effectiveness of the electoral campaign, women have greater chances of being elected.
Men have the decisive say in politics and the work of parties since women's representation in central government is insignificant. As demonstrated by the previous parliamentary elections, the number of women elected to Parliament is proportional to the number of women on electoral lists: few women are nominated, few are elected. As Laila Balga, the Chairperson of the Social Democratic Women's Organization, noted at the conference on Latvia's women in 1995, "When candidates for leading positions in a party are selected and electoral lists are determined, men become exceedingly active, ingenious, even clever. The style of politics over decades has encouraged them to believe that only men have a right to the decisive vote." In fact, not the elections but the male composition of political parties determined the low representation of women in the highest institutions of power. Democracy creates the necessary preconditions for women's equality, but it will not yield any results without the active participation of women themselves.
Admittedly, the work of women's organizations is still rather ineffective due to low representation and a lack of experience (see Box 4.1 - Women Organizations). In the main, women are struggling to overcome the shortcomings in the social welfare system. Women are struggling with consequences rather than root causes. A more effective tactic would be involvement in the making of social policy. The participation of women would generate more attention to the solution of social problems at the national level. Currently, only one opinion - that of men - dominates the setting of government priorities and allocations from the state budget. Perhaps if women participated more in decision-making, social policy would be more humane.
Family, Health and Social Life
Societies concerned about the future pay due attention to promoting the functions of mothers. In Latvia women have the right to maternity leave with full pay for two months before and two months after childbirth. They also have the right to maternity leave until the child reaches the age of three with a small monthly benefit (40% of the minimum wage). Women's health is one of the main factors affecting the health of subsequent generations. The risk to women during childbirth in Latvia is not high. The death rate connected with pregnancy, childbirth or post-natal complications is 0.6 per 100,000 women. 99.2% of all women turned to qualified medical help at childbirth. However, the summary birth rate coefficient decreased from 2,016 in 1990 to 1,508 in 1993. In 1993, Latvia had a negative natural rate of increase (-4,900). Formerly, both health care policy and the health care system were centralized and alienated from the population. Though compulsory preventive medical checkups were a formality, they guaranteed a more or less regular monitoring of the condition of women's health. This system has been liquidated and no new system has taken its place for the time being (see also Chapter 8. Deteriorating Health). As the number of state outpatient clinics and hospitals has decreased, higher quality health care for pay has taken its place. Childbirth in comfortable conditions corresponding to those in more developed countries is also available for a fee.Traditionally, the family has been considered the woman's domain. Caring for the home and the family seemed to be a natural role for women. In this stereotyped view, the man's role in the family is minimized and men get accustomed to certain ideas about women's "duties" and "natural" tasks. However, if we speak of gender equality, men have the same rights and duties towards the family, home and children as do women. That is why the demand of women for men's rights to receive paternity leave is well grounded. The present economic situation is hard on any family in which there are several children and only one breadwinner. In 1993, 60% of Latvia's families had incomes under the subsistence minimum set by the government: 30 lats a month or 50.4 USD. According to survey data on family budgets carried out by the Statistical Committee, more than two thirds of all children (70.8%) live in families whose income is under 25 lats per family member a month. Data from the 1989 census testify to the fact that 18% of all families in which there are minors consisted of a mother and children, while 1.4% consisted of a father and children. All pensioners live below the poverty line, and 70% of this cohort is composed of women. This stems from the fact that in Latvia, as in all former Soviet republics, women receive pensions from the age of 55 and men from the age of 60. Moreover, women are highly represented among the elderly (see Table 4.1). Needy families often suffer from malnutrition and enjoy fewer cultural opportunities (see Table 4.5).
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Table 4.5
Distribution of Households
According to Income and Calorie Consumption, 1993Monthly income per family member (lats) Distribution (%) Average income per family member Daily calorie consumption per family member Including of animal origin 1992 1993 1992 1993 All families 100.0 27.41* 2312 2372 922 867 Including with incomes: up to 15.00 11.9 12.82 1920 1889 745 679 15.01-25.00 35.0 20.30 2088 2130 822 743 25.01-35.00 25.3 28.92 2390 2513 962 922 35.01-45.00 13.5 39.70 2521 2741 1025 1050 45.01-55.00 7.4 49.22 2766 3049 1153 1165 55.01+ 6.9 71.16 2883 3235 1241 1273 * Full subsistence minimum 35.57 lats; crisis subsistence minimum 30.00 lats (50.4 USD) with energy value of 2533 kcal. Elderly women run a higher risk of being dependent on the state or their children. Low pensions and a shortage of room and long-term beds in old people's homes affect women the most (see also Chapter 3. Integration of Marginal/Vulnerable Groups and if the table below is unreadable, click here to see preformatted version
Table 4.6
Structure of Household Monetary
Incomes and Expenditures, 1985-1993 (%)1985 1990 1991 1992 1993 Monetary income: Wages 74.0 72.4 62.2 64.3 63.0 Income from social funds 13.0 11.2 20.9 17.9 20.3 Income from the sale of agricultural produce, cattle and poultry 5.5 6.1 5.8 7.3 5.4 Other income 7.5 10.3 11.1 10.5 11.3 Monetary expenditures Food 32.0 29.4 37.8 48.2 44.4 Alcoholic beverages 3.4 4.4 3.3 2.7 1.8 Non-food items 34.4 37.6 35.4 22.8 19.5 Including: - Fabric, clothes, footwear (including repairs) 16.4 17.3 15.9 9.4 7.3 - Furniture, household goods, and electrical equipment (including repairs) 4.1 4.1 4.6 2.2 1.6 - Cultural goods (including repairs) 4.2 5.1 4.9 2.5 2.6 - Sanitary and hygiene products 2.0 2.5 2.0 1.6 2.1 - Construction materials 0.5 0.8 1.0 0.7 0.5 - Heating fuel 0.2 0.1 0.1 0.3 0.4 Paid services 10.7 9.7 7.3 11.6 19.2 Including: - Rent, utilities, personal home maintenance 3.0 2.6 1.7 6.1 12.5 Taxes and other obligatory payment 9.4 9.0 7.9 7.9 8.2 Other expenses 10.1 9.9 8.3 6.8 6.9 Tight budgets limit the use of utilities and the purchase of consumer durables, thereby placing all the hardship of household work on women's shoulders. The current economic situation has exacerbated traditional gender inequality in the performance of household chores. According to the most recent research on time budgets by the Institute of Economics in 1987, even in an economically stable period women spend almost twice as much time (28 hours per week) as men (16 hours per week) doing household chores. Thus, the weekly workload of women including time spent at paid work exceeds that of men by six hours. Women have less time for relaxation, physical and spiritual self-actualization (see Table 4.7).
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Table 4.7
Weekly Time Use of the Employed, Urban Population
by Gender, 1987 (Hours)Type of Activity Women Men Salaried employment 37.5 41.8 Work-related activities 5.6 7.1 Household work 28.0 16.0 Total workload 71.1 64.9 Satisfaction of physiological needs 70.1 70.6 - Including sleep 56.3 56.6 Leisure time 26.8 32.5 Including: - Study 0.3 0.3 - Social activities 0.6 0.5 - Performances, exhibits 1.5 1.1 - Parties 3.6 2.8 - Active relaxation 3.1 4.4 - Reading 4.1 5.0 - Radio and musical recordings 1.4 1.3 - Television 8.9 13.0 - Passive relaxation 1.3 1.4 - On the way to the activity 2.0 2.7 Undistributed time - - Weekly total 168.0 168.0 During the transition, kindergartens in many enterprises have been closed with the decline in industrial production. While 40% of all children attended kindergartens in 1990, in 1993 the figure had fallen to only 28%.
Because of their double workload of paid labour and household chores, women are more interested than men in enhancing the state's role in resolving social issues. A considered, well-directed state social policy could considerably improve the condition of women and children in society. Currently, work with children and in the home restricts the career opportunities of women and their participation in public life. Undeniably, the absence of competition from women dictated by such social conditions is advantageous for men.
The previous state ideology and the pressures of work have contributed to growing irresponsibility on the part of women towards their own health. Unfortunately, daughters inherit this attitude from their mothers. Moreover, women are not being sufficiently educated in this realm: health care remains a marginal subject in schools and often is not taught at all.
One indicator of women's health is the number of abortions. In absolute terms, the figure has decreased: in 1992 the official number of registered abortions was 34,325, while in 1993 the figure had fallen to 31,345. However, this tendency is not stable. In 1993 there were 57.3 abortions per 100 women of the fertile age (in 1992, 62.1) or 1171.5 per 1000 live births (in 1992, 64.30). Although contraceptive use has increased considerably of late, its low popularity stems from a lack of education on matters of health and hygiene and inaccessibility due to high prices. According to data from the Ministry of Welfare, contraceptives were used by 18% of women of fertile age in 1993. 149 out of 1000 women in this cohort used IUDs and 32 of 1000 used hormonal contraceptives (see also Chapter 8. Deteriorating Health).
Falling living standards have led more and more women to turn to alcohol, drugs and prostitution. Women often turn to the latter to eke out a living. According to data from the Vice Squad of the Riga Police Board, there are at least 4000 prostitutes in the city. Information from the Criminological Research Centre suggests that most prostitutes are young -- 80% of the total are between 18 and 29 years of age (see also Chapter 9. Rising Crime). The incidence of venereal disease has doubled since 1991, reaching 195 cases per 100,000 inhabitants in 1993. (see also Chapter 8. Deteriorating Health).
Both directly and indirectly, a rise in alcoholism has caused great harm to women's physical and mental health. Since 1992 the number of patients newly diagnosed as alcoholics has increased from 69 to 107 per 100,000. Alcohol abuse undermines the family and remains one of the basic causes for the birth of underdeveloped and sick children. It contributes to crime and violence, women's violence towards their children and themselves, and in particular, men's violence towards women. In 1993, 130 rape cases, including attempted rapes, were registered (in 1992, 124). Most rapes, cases of wife-beating and other acts of violence in the family undoubtedly go unreported.
Conclusions
A real basis for a women's movement exists in the current transitional society. The distribution of power, money and labour between the sexes in society and the family is manifestly unequal.Since the restoration of independence, an enormous amount of work has been done in researching the status of women, influencing public opinion, and acquiring organizational experience. With the support of non-governmental funds, two collections of articles have been published in Latvian and English on women's issues in Latvia: The Woman on Her Way (1992, compiled by Ilze Trapenciere) and The Women of Latvia During the 75 Years of the State (1994, compiled by Parsla Eglite). Women's conferences take place annually. In 1993, Latvia's Women's Research and Information Centre was established. The main task of the Centre is to conduct research and disseminate findings on women and women's organizations in Latvia and to gather and distribute information on women's studies and movements in other countries. At the governmental level, a great deal of work in analyzing the condition of women was conducted in preparation for the Fourth UN Conference on Women. To carry out this work, a National Preparatory Committee was created, whose Report provides a multifaceted analysis of the condition of women and outlines policy priorities:
In conclusion, it should be admitted that women have been most involved with research, description and analyzing their own plight. This is necessary, but insufficient to achieve true equality in a democratic society. Women should take a step further and offer their own solutions and opinions on all political and social issues: not just women on women's issues, but women on society as a whole. If women focus only on women's issues, the struggle for equality will be eternal, and the male viewpoint will continue to dominate in Latvia.
- an official should be appointed to monitor adherence to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and to provide information to the public on women's rights;
- the Labour Code should be amended to facilitate child care leave for the mother or the father;
- social welfare benefits should be supplemented for families with minors to guarantee mothers true occupational choices and income opportunities during the first year's of a child's life; the payment of benefits should not be linked to the mother's employment; development of pre-school institutions should be promoted;
- In order to promote the basic human rights of the majority of the population -- women and children -- the state should give priority in the tax system and the budget to education, culture, science and health;
- the scope and detail of indicators in social statistics should be extended to provide a more complete picture on the true condition of different groups in society.
It will be more difficult to achieve proportional women's representation in legislative and executive structures in a democratic society than it was under totalitarianism. Now everything is in the hands of women themselves. Human development is only possible through successful cooperation between the sexes. The differing biological and social roles of men and women result in different views on social policy. Women's participation is necessary not only in biological reproduction, but also in the creation of the social order.
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Box 4.1. Women's Organizations in Latvia
The establishment of various women's groups, clubs and non-governmental organizations testifies to an increase in women's activity in recent years. Since the restoration of independence, several new women's organizations have been established and older groups that existed before 1940 have been revived. Currently, there are about 15 women's organizations in Latvia with memberships ranging from the tens to several hundred. Some organizations have already ceased to exist, but new ones have taken their place. The goals and activities of these organizations vary, but one feature unites them all -- women are trying to help each other.Many of these organizations are engaged in charitable activities and assistance to those in difficult straits (the Women's Aid Corps, the Women's Charitable Fund, the Club of Businesswomen) and to unemployed women and single mothers (the Russian Community's Women's Club "Hope" and the Society of Single Mothers "Initiative, Hope, Help"). Some organizations are connected with the professional life of women: the Association of Academically Educated Women, the Women's Sports Association and the Women's Committee of the Farmer's Union. While these organizations unite women interested in specific spheres of activity, their goals are broader -- raising the professional qualifications of women, teaching knowledge and skills and the application thereof. Only one organization, the Social Democratic Women's Organization, has declared distinctly political goals: bringing about political change through female representation in local government, the highest levels of power and political organizations. This organization publishes a newspaper for "the free women of Latvia" entitled "Aspazija." The Cooperation Council of Latvia's Women's Organizations was established in autumn 1992. Each women's organization is represented on the Cooperation Council by two members. The programme of the Council calls for true gender equality. The work of the Cooperation Council reflects the multiplicity of activities and views among members of women's organizations.
Generally, women's organizations in Latvia unite women according to their particular interests, render help to women in difficult circumstances and consult and educate women. Another important aspect in the work of these groups is establishing cooperation with similar organizations around the world. International cooperation contributes to the acquisition of organizational skills and new methods of promoting rights. An event of some significance was the invitation extended to 100 women to participate in the Nordic Forum (August 1-6, 1994) organized by women in the Nordic countries.
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